Gov't vs Bersih: An eyeball-to-eyeball situation

The parallels and differences between then and now have to be dwelt on for insight and illumination.

Then would be October 1987, when tensions were rising in the country over an issue to do with the placement of non-Mandarin speaking administrators in government-aided Chinese schools.

Party elections in Umno earlier that year had resulted in a controversy-marred close victory for the incumbents. Internecine conflict in the dominant political party is always tinder for the lighting.

The lighted match would come with the controversy over the government's decision to appoint non-Mandarin speaking administrators in Chinese schools.

Switch forward 24 years and the country finds itself in a situation of rising tensions in the immediate prelude to the Bersih 2.0 march planned for July 9, though this time the drivers for the heightened tensions have nothing to do with race or language.

True, there is competitive rivalry in the dominant political party, Umno, but it does no longer bestride the political arena like a colossus as it used to.

Now the party displays symptoms of a different ailment to the one that afflicted it in 1987: its weakened position in the parliamentary calculus has emboldened right-wing elements within it to push for a crackdown on an opposition that could defeat it in the fast approaching general election.

Because perception is almost everything in Malaysian politics, the planned march for July 9, if it draws a bigger attendance than did its predecessor in the Bersih march of November 2007, it could well be curtains for Umno-BN in the 13th general election.

As in the comparative 1987 period, the question, in the lead-up to the Bersih 2.0 march in 11 days' time, of how to assure the stability in power of the ruling elite is central to all other factors riding in the balance.

Issues of race, religion, independence of the law enforcement authorities and the like, are like patterns in a kaleidoscope whose formations are dependent on who does the shaking.

Najib miming the pantomime

As the baton of Umno leadership was passed to him in April 2009, the prognostications for Prime Minister Najib Razak were that the man, whose father was the catalyst for the tectonic shifts to the Malaysian political landscape in the immediate post-May 13, 1969 period, would either be the initiator of a radical revamp to save the construct or perish in the attempt.

In the two years since he has taken over, Najib has made the shifts and feints indicative of a desire to revamp the system, but a creaking edifice, entrenched in its ways, has budged but little.

This has left the leader miming the pantomime but unable to effect substance of change. On an array of issues, ranging from education to electoral reform, the entrenched system asserts its unchanged ways in spite of good intentions to effect change.

Perhaps the system has to be changed from top to bottom and the main superintendent of change is too embedded in the old to be a harbinger of the new.

Sensing this, the opposition knows that a crumbling system and its defenders-cum-reformers are a final push away from oblivion.

This realisation has propelled them to arrive at a consensus that has shoveled away major differences in their agendas.

They now enjoy unanimity of outlook and aim which is symbolised by their determined support for the Bersih 2.0 march.

An ode to democracy

All successful mass movements need a rallying point around which their disparate aims can coalesce. The Malaysian opposition has found this in the call for electoral reform.

It has helped that the ham-fisted manner in which the authorities are seeking to prevent the Bersih 2.0 march has had the effect of widening the array of support for the event.

When the penning of a poem, ostensibly an ode to democracy, by a national literary laureate is occasion for the police to haul up the author for sedition - the indictment of the authorities by their asininity towards the march is self-evident.

Thus the immovable object, which is the Bersih march itself, and a seemingly irresistible force, which is the security establishment, is poised in eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation.

The side that blinks would be the one that resorts to uncivil methods - repression by the one side and disorderly conduct by the other.

[Source: Mkini]

BERSIH 2.0 - Come Together

Here come old flattop. He come grooving up slowly
He got ju-ju eyeballs. He's one holy roller
He got hair down to his knee
Got to be a joker 'cos he's so hard to please

He wear no shoeshine he's got toe-jam football
He got monkey finger he shoot Coca-Cola
He say "I know you, you know me"
One thing I can tell you is you got to be free

Come together right now over me.

He buy production he got walrus scumble
He's got Ono sideboard he's got spinal cracker
He's got feet down under his knee
Hold you in his arms till you can feel his disease
Come together right now over me.

[Interlude]

He's roller-coaster he's got early warning
He's got muddy water he's got mojo filter
He say "One and one and one is three"
Got to be good looking 'cause he's so hard to see
Come together right now over me.

Come together! Come together! Come together!
[repeat over solo until end]

June 25 : The Times They Are A-Changin'

June 26 : Have you ever seen the rain

June 27 : Blowin' In The Wind

June 28 : Where have all the flowers gone

Was Che Guevara a Communist?

No, he was not. So how did the Malaysian authorities come by with the notion that wearing a Che Guevara T-shirt is akin to supporting or propagating Communism? What is even worse, wearing a T-shirt with the iconic figure of Che on it also means 'waging war against the King'? Now let us look at this man from the right perspective.

Che believed in guerrillaism, a small group of armed men bringing socialism, no role for the working class. This perspective is fundamentally flawed and the reason real Marxists consider Cuba petty bourgeoisie nationalism.

This is not merely a political epithet thrown by Marxists at their opponents. It is a scientific definition of the class interests and methods which characterize these movements. Marx, basing himself on the experience of the 1848 revolution, and Trotsky, in his theory of Permanent Revolution, demonstrated that the petty-bourgeoisie is incapable of independent and consistent political action. Its inconsistency is a reflection of its intermediate social position. Caught between the two main classes of society and continuously being differentiated into exploiter and exploited, it is compelled to follow one or other of these classes -- either the proletariat or the bourgeoisie.

What is it about Che that makes him so susceptible to being turned into a harmless, though profitable, icon? The qualities which his admirers cite are well-known. Physical bravery, self-sacrifice, asceticism, giving his life for a cause. These can all be admirable traits. No doubt they present a stark contrast to the prevailing social ethic in which a man's worth is determined by the size of his stock portfolio. But these qualities, in and of themselves, are by no means indicators of the political and class character of those who possess them. Religious sects and even fascist movements can claim to have produced martyrs with similar qualities in their own struggles for wholly reactionary ends.

A careful review of Guevara's career demonstrates that his political conceptions had nothing to do with Marxism and that the panaceas of armed struggle and guerrilla warfare with which he was identified were fundamentally hostile to the revolutionary socialist struggle of the working class.

Like virtually all the nationalist regimes and tendencies that emerged in the postwar period, Castro-ism has rested on a set of myths concerning its own origins and development. Such mythologizing is inevitable, given the class character of these movements, resting as they do upon the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie, while claiming to represent the interests of the oppressed masses.

The myth developed by Castro and Guevara was to be exported with catastrophic results. The so-called Cuban road was promoted throughout Latin America as the only viable form of revolutionary struggle. Thousands of Latin American youth were led to the slaughter by the promise that all that was required to overthrow governments and end social oppression was courage and a few guns.

In any case, Communism is dead and buried except for countries like North Korea who still think that such an ideology is the answer to their nation's woes. China, a Communist nation, is today's world power house and be it good or bad, everyone is making a bee-line to that country to trade, including Malaysia. So if the PSM members are to be arrested because of some Communist connection, then the leaders of BN are equally guilty, no less.

This is what happened when a government spend more time politicking than looking after the welfare of the nation

Bankruptcy now firmly in sight: Are political games being played to hide
this

Amidst all the racial and religious rhetoric served up by the politicians
of the day, Malaysia is facing a far greater problem. The various political
entities in Malaysia can throw all the mud they want at each other, and
fight over who should be the next this and that, but if left unchecked;
there may not be much of a country to govern within the next two to three
years.

Bank Negara have just released the 1st Quarter economic and financial data
for Malaysia on the 3rd of June and it paints a grim picture.

For the 1st quarter of 2011, the central government debt sits at RM430,151
million compared to RM407,101 million for the same period in 2010, i.e up
RM23 billion. Of the RM430,151 million, RM425,831 million is medium and long
term debt.

Domestic debt sits at RM414,217 million whereas in the same period in 2010
it sat at RM390,356 million. Again the medium and long term debt is the
bigger bulk of the debt at RM409,897 million.

Plainly stated, the Government of Malaysia owes the central bank and funds
like the Employee Providence Fund monies that run into the billions. Such
debts are a mystery when you take into account that the central government
operational expenditure has actually decreased. For April of 2011, the
figure stands at RM13,769 million; a reduction compared to RM19,416 million
for the same period last year.

Bear in mind the figures above are for the first quarter of 2011, there are
still eight more months to go for 2011, and this figure would surely be on
the rise if we take into consideration the pending General Elections and
various other government initiatives.

Does GOM even know what it is doing

The next key thing to note is that while the GOM has reduced its
expenditure, yet it has increased its debt.

And unless the debt is managed well, we are on the verge of seeing the GOM
going the way of the Greece government. A government broken under the weight
of its own debt.

And *if the GOM goes bankrupt than the people of Malaysia would in turn
suffer since the money the GOM owes is taken from public funds that belongs
to everyday Malaysians.

*Can the GOM repay its monetary debt to the people of Malaysia?

Adding to the grim picture, figures released by BNM for April 2011 show a
country where inflation is on the rise. Headline inflation, measured by the
Consumer Price Index (CPI), increased to 3.2% on an annual basis. Higher
prices for food and non alcoholic beverages along with higher cost in the
transport categories are contributing to the ever-rising inflation rate.

An increase in RON97 from RM2.50/litre to RM2.70/litre accelerated the
upward adjustment in the transport category. The impact would be greater as
the Najib administration toys with the idea of reducing subsidies in an
effort cut down on governmental expenditures.

While the idea to raise prices for RON95 has been shelved for the time
being, Putrajaya announced a 7.1% hike in electricity tariffs in an effort
to trim a subsidy bill that would otherwise double to RM21 billion this
year, promising that the hike would not affect three-quarters of domestic
users. A move some say would anger voters in the coming elections.

What should a PM do

In a critical report published by the Singapore Strait Times, economists
raised the question whether resource-rich Malaysia had fallen out of step
with the global environment.

The Straits Times reported the arguments by economists that decades of state
intervention that sought to meld free market practices with an ambitious
social agenda to restructure the country's multi-ethnic society in favour of
politically dominant Malays had sapped Malaysia of its competitive edge as a
destination for foreign investment.

Malaysia is slowly losing out on the global stage while the GOM is
floundering within its own debt.

This is a problem far removed from the smoke-screen of sex tapes, sodomy
trials, and mud-slinging so prevalently broadcast to the Malaysian public.
Yet*, it is this grim reality, that Malaysia is headed towards bankruptcy,
that has drawn so little effort to remedy from the Najib administration.

Should not Malaysians demand a Prime Minister, whoever he or she may be,
spends more time governing the country and the economy rather than
politicking and creating political and economic trouble for himself, his
party and worse of all, the innocent people who were foolish enough to have
voted for him.

*As they say, once bitten, twice shy.

[Maclean Patrick, Malaysia Chronicle]

Sam is back!

Cantopop fans, rejoice!

You will have a chance to catch the "Father of Cantopop" Sam Hui dazzling the audience once again with his evergreen Cantonese hits and soothing vocals for the fourth time since his appearance last year.

The 62-year-old singer is considered Hong Kong's very first music superstar that popularised Cantopop by merging Cantonese slang and Western-style music in his songs.

Though he is flattered by the title, he feels "there are many respectable artists before me". It is not be surprising that he is in the business due to his love of music and support from his fans.

"I enjoy the enthusiastic support and endless screams for my performance," said Hui, adding that the local cuisine is also a tempting factor that has brought him back.

"Music is like a language in my mind. I use it to communicate with my family, my friends and fans and many other people."

"People know me through music. Without music, I think I'm just like a mute."

Carving his name with his popular compositions that contain humorous lyrics like "Wealth God Has Come", the "God of Songs" has recorded over 23 Cantonese albums and four English albums that have influenced the development of the Hong Kong music industry.

"My inspirations come from my surroundings."

"I just chose to voice out these rather heavy issues in a fun way and I find that's quite an effective way to soothe and express anger and disappointment."

The multi-talented artist, who has won many notable accolades including the Gold Disc Award, also has more than 20 films on his impressive resume, having started acting before he started his singing career.

Hui can be remembered for his films like "All's Well, Ends Well Too" in 1993 with actor Leslie Cheung and "Winners Take All" in 2000 with Nicholas Tse.

Being a veteran for both music and film, one wonders how Hui manages to juggle his time between two of his favorite passions.

"For sure, that's a conscious decision - ...I like both music and movies. This consciousness is my basic motive in entering these two industries."

"If I really leave any marks, that's a bonus to me."

It was a shock when he decided to retire in the 1990s, before making a comeback in 2004 due to his evident love of performing.

Explaining his decision back then, Hui said: "Retirement is a stage in life. I thought I had come to that stage at the moment. But now as you all see, I have walked through that stage happily and entered the next level in my life."

"No matter (whether) I'm a full-time artist or not, music is always on my mind. I'll never stop writing or singing even during the 'retirement stage' in my life."

Having met so many fans in the span of 30 years of his career, Hui said: "I hope they would have their own experience - feel the atmosphere and enjoy the show with their hearts. Sing and dance and scream out as loud as they like. I have prepared the best for them all. I hope they will all enjoy the concert."

When asked about what he has lined up for his fans, Hui quipped: "Find that out in my concert. Don't spoil the surprise now."

Sam Hui Live in Concert 2011 will play at Resorts World Sentosa on July 2.

The following video clip is theme from "The Private Eye", sung in both English and Cantonese ...

BERSIH 2.0 - Where have all the flowers gone?

Where have all the flowers gone? Long time passing.

Where have all the flowers gone? Long time ago.

Where have all the flowers gone?

Young girls picked them, ev'ry one.

Oh, when will they ever learn? Oh,when will they ever learn?

Where have all the young girls gone? Long time passing.

Where have all the young girls gone? Long time ago.
Where have all the young girls gone? Gone to young men ev'ry one.

Oh, when will they ever learn? Oh, when will they ever learn?

Where have all the young men gone? Long time passing.

Where have all the young men gone? Long time ago.
Where have all the young men gone? Gone to soldiers ev'ry one.

Oh, when will they ever learn? Oh, when will they ever learn?

Where have all the soldiers gone? Long time passing.

Where have all the soldiers gone? Long time ago.
Where have all the soldiers gone? Gone to graveyards, ev'ry one.

Oh, when will they ever learn? Oh, when will they ever learn?

Where have all the graveyards gone? Long time passing.

Where have all the graveyards gone? Long time ago.
Where have all the graveyards gone? Gone to flowers, ev'ry one.

Oh, when will they ever learn? Oh, when will they ever learn?

Where have all the flowers gone? Long time passing.

Where have all the flowers gone? Long time ago.

Where have all the flowers gone?

Young girls picked them, ev'ry one.

Oh, when will they ever learn? Oh,when will they ever learn?

June 25 : The Times They Are A-Changin'

June 26 : Have you ever seen the rain

June 27 : Blowin' in the wind

Parallels between Perkasa and the Nazi Party

The Nazi party, an organisation of fewer than 60 people in 1919, grew to 130,000 members by 1929 and seized control of Germany by 1932.

Perkasa was founded only in 2008 but is now believed to have over 50,000 members. Just like the Nazis, Perkasa is an ultra-right wing organisation with a militant bent. Just like the Nazi Party, Perkasa did not start as a political organisation but as an NGO with a social cause.

Just like the Nazi Party, Perkasa’s founders were avid nationalists who were themselves doing quite well. Just like the Nazis, Perkasa appeals to the economically disenfranchised and the working class.

The Nazis enjoyed much support from the rural Protestant regions of Germany. Their support among Catholic Germans was much weaker.

Similarly, Perkasa’s supporters are not orthodox Islamists (who lean towards PAS) but relatively “modern” Muslims.

Geographically, the Nazis support base originated from the conservative Bavarian region. Similarly, Perkasa’s support base originates from the conservative northern states.

Just like the Nazis, Perkasa places the blame for society’s problems on the weakness/corruption of the centrist establishment as well as subversion by other races/religions.

Right from the beginning, the Nazi Party started a paramilitary group called the SturmAbteilung (SA) – the notorious “brownshirts”. Perkasa has also started a paramilitary group called Briged Setia Negara or National Loyalty Brigade.

This paramilitary group is being given free weapons and basic military training under the auspices of RELA (which is a national militia that was established in the 1960s).

Just like in Germany in the 1920s where politics was dominated by the SPD and KPD, Malaysian politics is currently dominated by two big factions – one that is Umno-led and the other, PKR-led.

The Nazis were more hostile towards the KPD than SPD. Similarly, Perkasa is more hostile towards PKR than Umno. Just like the Nazis, Perkasa accuses the centrist establishment of being out-of-touch.

Just like in Germany during the early Weimar years, Malaysia is facing a failing economic model in which employment is becoming harder to find, income gap between haves and have-nots is widening rapidly and inflation is beginning to eat away at the very foundations of the economic structure.

Just like in Germany, the weakening centrist establishment lacks the will to clamp down hard on the ultra-right wing. Note the increasing frequency of Perkasa’s seditious pronouncements – with no consequent action by the authorities.

In Germany, this resulted in a vicious cycle of increasing appeasement, followed by even more belligerence from the far right. Influence shifted relentless away from centre to the far right.

Ultimately, the centrists becoming too weak and tottered on the verge of failure.

All it then took was for the start of the economic depression in 1930 to push the centrist establishment over the edge and allow the Nazis to seize control. The rest is history.